Iran har indledt et missil og drone angreb på Israel som gengældelse for en inransk terrorkordinator, Israel dræbte i den iranske ambassade i Syrien. I forvejen ligger Israel i krig med den iranske proxy milits Hamas i Gaza. De arabiske stater synes at se afventende på, sandsynligvis hjulpet af Trump regeringens Abraham Aftaler. En af præmisserne for de aftaler, var at araberne skulle se Iran som deres fælles fjende, en fjende som USA gennem sanktioner ville hæmme økonomisk. Man kan få en fornemmelse på Memri, der har samlet nogle reaktioner fra arabiske aviser
In his column in the Saudi daily Al-Majala, journalist Khaled Al-Ghanami warned that the protests organized by the MB in Jordan are orchestrated by Iran with the aim of overthrowing Jordan’s Hashemite regime, and stressed that Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE will not sit idly by in the face of this danger.
He wrote: “…The riots periodically instigated by the MB in Amman are nothing but early signs of [their intention to] call for a blood-soaked revolution in Jordan against the Hashemite government. The riots that periodically break out in Jordan undoubtedly take place on orders and instructions from Iran, since the ties between Iran and the MB are longstanding…
“If Jordan falls, God forbid, this will not restore Palestine. In fact, it will be a large step towards bringing the Palestinian issue to an unjust end, causing the people of the West Bank to emigrate to the Hashemite kingdom. That is the plan of the so-called resistance axis…
“The moderate axis, represented by Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE, will not sit idly by, but will regard any targeting of Jordan as a declaration of war… Iran must understand this well, since not all violations are allowed to pass [without response]…”[9]
Krigen i Mellemøsten er en logisk konsekvens af politiske valg, skriver New York Post, for som Joe Biden sagde allerede under valgkampen, “[Trump]’s doing it all wrong!”
But from the day he took office, long before Iran struck Israel via its cat’s-paw Hamas, Biden has empowered and emboldened Tehran.
He handed it billions in ransom and sanctions relief, broke off relations with the Saudis and did all he could to resuscitate President Barack Obama’s disastrous 2015 nuclear deal.
På den måde finansierer USA begge de krigsførende parter, som Hodgetwins påpegede. Tablets Michael Doran og Tony Badran bemærkede allerede i 2021 USAs kursskifte væk fra det succesfulde under Trump
On Sunday, National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan phoned his Israeli counterpart and turned back the hands of time. According to the American readout of the conversation, Sullivan called “to express the United States’ serious concerns” about two things: the pending eviction, by court order, of a number of Palestinian families from their homes in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of Jerusalem, and the weekend’s violent clashes on the Temple Mount between Israeli police and Palestinian rioters. The Biden administration, in other words, publicly asserted an American national interest in preventing the Sheikh Jarrah evictions, regardless of the dictates of Israeli law—just as Hamas was sending rockets and incendiary devices into Israel with the same message. This conscious effort to put “daylight” between the United States and Israel marked a clear return to the approach of President Barack Obama.
Sullivan’s call invites us to reopen an unresolved debate that began even before President Joe Biden took the oath of office. Is the new president forging his own path in the Middle East, or is he following in the footsteps of Obama? Until now, those who feared that his presidency might become the third term of Obama fixed their wary eyes on Robert Malley, the president’s choice as Iran envoy. When serving in the Obama White House, Malley helped negotiate the Iran nuclear deal, which sought accommodations with Tehran that came at the expense of America’s allies in the Middle East. In a revealing Foreign Affairs article, written in 2019, Malley expressed regret that Obama failed to arrive at more such accommodations. The direction of Obama’s policy was praiseworthy, Malley wrote, but his “moderation” was the enemy of his project. Being “a gradualist,” he presided over “an experiment that got suspended halfway through.”
Mike Benz med en af sine walk’n’talk herunder forklarer, hvorledes Irans energireserver er en nøgle til at forstå konflikten. Israel vil have sanktioner mod Iran for at holde det fra at blive så stærke, at de kan udslette ‘entiteten’, mens Kina vil have energi fra alle der har, herunder selvfølgelig Iran. Men det vil “Bidenworld” også, gennem deres kontakter primært omkring Atlantic Council, for at opnå global dominans The Interagencys vegne. De vil af med Netanyahu for at få en mere medgørlig regering i Israel – så der lurer en ‘farverevolution’ hele tiden. I midten står Biden-familien med Hunter i centrum dybt investeret i kinesiske energiselskaber.
Jeg kan anbefale at læse tråden for alle dens detaljer, men også bevægelsesøkonomen Lee Smiths artikel på Tablet, som Benz henviser til, om en iransk spion og indflydelses-netværk i USA
The contents of the emails are damning, showing a group of Iranian American academics being recruited by the Iranian regime, meeting together in foreign countries to receive instructions from top regime officials, and pledging their personal loyalty to the regime. They also show how these operatives used their Iranian heritage and Western academic positions to influence U.S. policy toward Iran, first as outside “experts” and then from high-level U.S. government posts. Both inside and outside of government, the efforts of members of this circle were repeatedly supported and advanced by Malley, who served as the U.S. government’s chief interlocutor with Iran under both the Obama and the Biden administrations. Malley is also the former head of the International Crisis Group (ICG), which directly paid and credentialed several key members of the regime’s influence operation.
(…)
There is also the fact that, as early as 2014, as Tablet has reported, the Obama administration was spying on Israeli officials and their contacts within the United States, including U.S. lawmakers and pro-Israel activists. The fact that U.S. intelligence services routinely disobeyed guidelines preventing them from unmasking the identities of U.S. persons recorded in transcripts of foreign intelligence intercepts has been exhaustively demonstrated in a long series of U.S. government reports, Congressional investigations, and other reporting. Since Zarif’s communications and the IRGC’s communications were also collected, U.S. officials would have known about the IEI—and about the names of those working on behalf of Iran, such as Vaez and Tabatabai.
Theroux suggests that a range of U.S. authorities would have likely known about Malley’s involvement with the IEI as well—and that Malley would have been well aware of what they knew. “When I was on the National Security Council, the National Security Agency would call to alert me when my name had popped up in a conversation among bad actors,” Theroux recalls.
The facts of Malley’s involvement with the IEI and its agents are likely to have been old news within the Biden administration; the impending publication of the IEI emails is likely the reason why Malley was put on leave in April and had his security clearances suspended. As news of emails and their impending publication circulated in Washington, the administration moved him to the sidelines before Republican officials had the chance to demand his head on a spike.
Why an Iranian operative is still at the Pentagon, especially in a job which gives her daily access to classified information that puts the country’s most sensitive military operations at risk, is another matter entirely. “The optimistic reading,” says Theroux, “is that they were watching her to see what she does and the FBI has her apartment all teched up. But to be an optimist you have to believe the FBI is clean, rather than see this as a huge counterintelligence failure. Though, of course, it’s not a failure if they were complicit.”
So far, however, the evidence points to a less optimistic reading: The Biden administration allowed Malley to push an Iranian agent into sensitive national security positions because she was best equipped to carry out the administration’s own policy—to appease a terror regime with American blood on its hands. Because the number of American officials who want to be responsible for protecting Iran’s nuclear weapons program is limited, the White House went outside the federal bureaucracy for someone who was well-connected to the regime, and would relish the job of advancing its interests—an Iranian spy.
Man savner Trumps elegante stav-blendning af Suleimani, den iranske terrorleder. Som man måske husker, skød Iran en amerikansk drone ned og fejrede højlydt sejren over den store satan. Pentagon generaler forklarede Trump, hvorledes de havde tænkt sig at slå tilbage mod Iran, som straf, og viste nogle potentielle mål, som præsidenten kunne vælge. Trump spurgte dem, hvor man liv, der ville gå tabt og fik et svar der lå mellem 50 og 150. Det var for mange døde for et stykke flyvende elektronik, mente Trump og sendte de skuffede generaler tilbage med følelsen af at være forrådt af en svækling.
Men Trump var ikke svag han ventede. Iranerne følte sig sikre og general Suleimani, der koordinerede hele Irans terrorstøtte, der mere end noget havde destabiliseret regionen og gjort Iran til en paria, mere end nogensinde, fløj til Bagdad for at møde lokale kontakter. Som han satte sig ind i sin bil i lufthavnen blev han ramt af et missil med roterende knive. Irans præstestyre foregav fortørnelse og svor hævn. Da de ikke havde noget imod Finland endnu, rådede de den finske regering til at fjerne eventuelt personel fra en amerikansk militærbase, der ville blive ramt af nogle bestemte raketter på et givent tidspunkt. Så havde deres propaganda noget at arbejde med og alle kunne vende tilbage til dagligdagen, lettet for en belastende terrorleder. Det var genialt, det der!
I skrivende stund er Biden gået i seng – så laver han ingen ulykker så længe.
MONOKULTUR 
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